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Statesmen of the Lost Cause + Statesmen and Soldiers of the Civil War
$ 6.33
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Description
Statesmen ofThe Lost Cause
Jefferson Davis and His Cabinet
By Burton J. Hendrick,
1939
452 pages, Illustrated, Indexed, Searchable
- Bonus -
Statesmen and Soldiers
Of The Civil War
A Study of the Conduct of the War
By Major General Sir Frederik Maurice, 1926
173 pages, Indexed, Searchable
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Digital
CD
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Why, according to Mr. Hendrick, did the Confederacy fail? He gives two chief reasons. First, the South had no statesmen in prominent
positions comparable to the leaders which it gave the nation in the periods of the Revolution and the forming of the Constitution.
Second, the Confederacy was "founded on a principle that made impossible the orderly conduct of public affairs."
Whatever the qualities of statesmanship of Southern leaders during the Civil War, it is certain there was no one personality
in the civil branch of the Confederacy which inspired confidence and secured the undivided allegiance of colleagues, subordinates,
and the masses of the people. Those Southerners today who are offended by criticism of Jefferson Davis have little in common with
Southerners of the 1860's who, following the example of Vice-President Alexander II. Stephens, Robert Toombs, and other
prominent Confederates, spoke of Davis as "weak and imbecile," "vacillating, petulant, and obstinate," and "that scoundrel Jeff Davis";
or who, like Governors Brown and Vance, nullified conscription, refused to cooperate in furnishing supplies, and in their efforts
generally defeated all tendencies toward a unified command. States that had the right to secede from the Union also asserted the
right to act independently, to act with the Confederacy or against it, as they saw fit
.
STATESMEN AND SOLDIERS OF THE CIVIL WAR
PREFACE THESE studies of the relations which existed between statesmen and soldiers during the course of a prolonged war were
delivered as the Lees-Knowles Lectures for 1925-26 at Trinity College, Cambridge. The idea from which these lectures originated had
its germ in a conversation with Lord Kitchener in 1915. Not long after I had joined the headquarters of our Army in France, Lord
Kitchener paid his first visit to Sir John French’s G. H. Q., then at St. Omer. Early on the morning after Lord Kitchener’s arrival I was
walking up to the General Staff Office when I saw a tall figure, conspicuous in the blue undress uniform of a field marshal the rest of us
were all in khaki, coming up the hill from Sir John French’s house. I stopped and saluted. Ah, said Lord Kitchener, I was just coming up
to see how you run your office. Well, sir, we try to make it as little like the War Office as possible. An admirable ideal how do you do
it The practice in the War Office used to be, when a question came up, to collect the largest possible number of opinions about it from
everyone who had even the remotest concern - with the question, before any attempt was made to arrive at a decision. Here we try to
get the question straight to the man who can decide and to get him to do so.
vi PREFACE Ah, came the answer, if only we had thought of organizing our Government for war I knew then nothing of the discussions
and controversies which had arisen around the inception of the Dardanelles campaign. But later, when I came in contact with the various
attempts made to organize our Government for war, and later still when I read the reports of the Commissions of Enquiry into the Dardanelle
s and Mesopotamia campaigns, I often recalled Lord Kitchener’s words. Before the war I had thought and read about the organization of
armies for war, never about the organization of Governments. During the war, when I was asked to think of this, thought was necessarily hurried.
Since the war there has been more time for study and reflection and the invitation to give the Lees-Knowles Lectures gave me an occasion
for putting the results of reflection into shape. My historical studies are therefore frankly and unashamedly objective. I had long been
dissatisfied that the judgments of Lord Wolseley and of Colonel F. R. Henderson upon Lincoln’s conduct of the war, written by the former
on incomplete information, and by the latter in a study of one part only of the American Civil War, should stand as the British military criticism
of a great statesman. When I studied again, in the light of my own experience in the Great War, the relations between Lincoln and McClellan
and between Lincoln and Grant I became more than ever convinced that if, PREFACE vii instead of holding up Lincolns actions in May 1862
as an example of how not to interfere with soldiers, we had made a closer study of the workings of his mind and of the processes by which
he evolved a system for the conduct of war, we should have saved ourselves much painful labor in the Great War. That is one reason why
I chose the story of the American Civil War as a platform from which to expound my theories the other I give in the first lecture. The
lectures are presented as they were delivered with a few minor alterations and with the addition of the notes and references and some
rearrangement of the last two.
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